Could you tell us about your organisation’s history and political aims?

Iranian Students for Freedom and Equality was first established about five years ago, after it was clear that the Iranian reformists around people like Khatami had been unsuccessful in their aims and that the islamic republic is not going to somehow change. We believe in Marxism-Leninism and try to rebuild democratic struggles for freedom and equality for everyone. Iran has a good potential for radical leftists to rise again after the revolution of 1979. Although we face difficulties, it is part of our strategy to establish an organic relationship with radical women and the workers’ movement.

We in Communist Students place great emphasis on political ideas and theory because we think that the revolutionary left needs to be rebuilt on a radically new basis. What do you think of this?

Today, in order to go directly into society and organise for change, the revolutionary left needs to oppose what is now called the ‘traditional left’ of Stalinism/reformism and put forward a radical and inspiring alternative. This requires a lot of thinking about our history. Reformism as the major strategy and basis for a movement is automatically removed from the equation in Iran – this regime cannot be reformed, because, as we saw with Rafsanjani and Khatami, what ‘reform’ means is further social polarisation and poverty.

The freedom and equality movement seeks to organise students, workers and the downtrodden masses in Iran in order to bring about radical change from below. Capitalism looks again to be in crisis and, because Iran is so closely linked with international capital, Iranians are feeling the brunt of this particularly harshly – non-payment of wages, sackings, massive inflation and, of course, the further problems caused by sanctions. We think that this is why we communists have a duty to organise and present our alternative to capitalism, poverty and war.

Of course, all non-islamic organisations in Iran are banned. In 1979, when the islamic revolution in Iran was established, ayatollah Khomeini told the media that Marxists would be free to operate. Yet after about four years he himself wrote the letter instructing the killing of hundreds of our comrades held in jail. This regime, despite its promises, has brought nothing for the Iranian people. It is not only the students, but all other democratic movements, that are a threat to the islamic republic’s iron rule.

We believe that an organised left movement will send the islamic republic to hell. Our organisation is not powerful enough to stand against the islamic republic by itself.

Could you tell me about the student protests of December 2007 and what has happened to your comrades since?

Students for Freedom and Equality organised actions on the campuses in Tehran and some other cities to mark the anniversary of the killing of three students by the shah’s imperial forces in 1953. More than 60 students all over Iran were arrested and three of our comrades are still in jail. The others were released, but are due to appear in court and be sentenced very soon.

How many of your comrades are in prison altogether?

I can’t exactly say because every day there are arrests all around the country. But we know that Farhad Hajmirzayi, Abed Tavancheh and Davood Bagheri are still being held.

What do you think about the bellicose noises coming from Israel and the US? How do you view the question of nuclear weapons?

I do not want to say that Iran cannot develop such weapons – president Ahmadinejad has never said it could not. But don’t you think that weapons of mass destruction were just the excuse for the US to attack Iraq? The conflict between Iran and the US/Israel is nothing new. Political islam originally developed in the Middle East as a response to the USSR’s growing power. But after the USSR’s collapse it started to oppose the US as an imperialist power. Bin Laden is an example of a completely conservative political islam.

Just like the USSR did, political islam is seeking allies in the Middle East and wants to transform itself into an international force. But it is not a coherent movement at all – it is split into bitterly opposed factions and certainly could not challenge US hegemony. The islamic republic, for example, is no match for Israel, let alone the US. I believe the regime will either have to negotiate with the Americans or prepare for an awful war against Iran.

Have you read the article, ‘What if Israel bombs Iran?’ by Alliance for Workers’ Liberty leader, Sean Matgamna?

I read it and couldn’t believe it! It is so obvious that an Israeli strike would be terrible for us Iranians and our struggles. The loss of life, the social dislocation, the rise in nationalism, etc would mean a huge setback for our revolutionary struggle. We cannot be indifferent to this threat, as that article was. Imperialism is well able to put forward its own military and ideological propaganda, and it has brought nothing but destitution for the masses in pursuit of its anti-human aims.

We have nothing in common with anyone who propagates foreign intervention or refuses to oppose war. It does not matter if such an attack comes from Israel, the United States or any other power – we are strongly opposed to such policies. No-one should advance such a strategy.

Are people in Iran talking about the threat of war?

Yes. But they don’t seem to be afraid. In fact, because of discontent over the state of the economy and the whole political system, some are even hoping for war as a way of bringing about change. We must fight against such ideas – war and sanctions can only make things worse, and are doing so already. We have nothing to gain from foreign intervention.

Have you and your comrades been able to forge links with the Iranian workers’ movement?

The workers in Iran are generally not organised in a manner that allows us students to directly connect with them. Yes, there are a few illegal groups like the bus workers’ union, Vahed, and the Haft Tapeh workers.

We face two main difficulties: the class difference between students and workers; and the repressive conditions, which prevent legal associations being formed. Right now people are not allowed to gather in parks or public places. People who try to speak out in public are arrested and hauled before the revolutionary courts. There is effectively a complete ban on freedom of assembly.

Some in the British anti-war movement think that ‘civil society’ is blossoming in Iran and seem to hold illusions in the ‘reformist’ wing of the regime to bring about change. What is your experience of the ‘reformists’ in power and how do you think change can come about?

Both the reformists and the conservatives have shown that we should not expect any change from them. Let’s not forget that a ‘reformist’ government would still have to work within the framework of the islamic republic. The big issues cannot be addressed by a few superficial reforms; questions like economic hardship, religious ideology and oppression, the forced wearing of the hijab and so on can only be resolved by changing the whole structure of power.

The reformists may try to stand a technocrat as their presidential candidate, who would promise to introduce some minimal freedoms: the whole regime is really afraid there may be a revolutionary upsurge. Others think that the only way to retain the islamic republic is through serious negotiations with the United States and compliance with some international demands to make the regime more acceptable to the imperialists.

It seems that previously the Iranian student movement had illusions in US imperialism in bringing freedom and democracy to Iran. What do you think changed this?

Before the rise of the Marxists, these illusions were propagated by the liberals. They could see no other hope for the people of Iran apart from a ‘democratic war’! But what happened in Iraq and Afghanistan made Iranians realise that a war on Iran by the United States would be a total disaster. Students for Equality and Freedom constantly emphasises this point in our demonstrations and propaganda.

Some organisations in the west have said that US intervention could provide some sort of limited space to organise, in Iraq, for example. What do you think of this?

The United States talks about democracy in Iran and the Middle East to disguise its aim of expanding its influence and power in the region and to offset its financial problems. Oil supplies are another good reason to talk about democracy! But conditions in Iraq today are actually far worse even than under the horrible and torturous rule of Saddam Hussein.

Look at the history of US manoeuvres in the Middle East. It likes to give something little and take something big, and this may lead it into some deal with the Iranian regime. Neither side gives a damn about the people’s needs. Whilst they plan their stealing and power games, the people of Iran and their supporters in the working class internationally need to fight their own struggle.

During the anti-war, anti-regime demonstrations in Tehran last year, you said that the placard reading ‘Hands Off the People Of Iran’ was very well received. Could you say why?

As I have explained, students no longer have illusions in either ‘democratic’ war or reform. They were pleased with the solidarity of any group opposed to both the islamic republic and imperialist war. This may only be a slogan, but for the people of Iran it has real, concrete meaning. They are caught between totalitarianism and the threat of war and the slogan seemed to be talking about their own lives.

Hopi reflects our own thoughts and strategies. Its aims have so much in common with radical and leftwing students in Iran. We’ve been in touch with Hopi for more than a year now and worked together well, especially with the jailing of some of our comrades. We really would like to continue this relationship. Organisations like Hopi provide the best answer to imperialist bullying – the working class movement needs its own politics free of the influence of the imperialists and the theocrats, and this is why Hopi are our allies.

---

Student leader arrested

On September 4 at 11am, student leader Anooshe Azadbar – elected as an honorary vice-president of the National Union of Students at its annual conference in April – was brought before a court in Iran. She faced multiple charges:

• plotting against the islamic regime
• plotting against the islamic order
• acting against Iranian national interests with a leftwing group

These charges arose from her prominent involvement in the December 4 2007 demonstrations where Hands Off the People of Iran placards were prominent. Anooshe denied the charges, stating that this was a legal student demonstration against the threat of war, not an explicitly anti-regime protest.

In court, it was claimed that this contradicted what she had said under interrogation. Anooshe replied that these statements had been obtained after she had been subjected to great psychological pressure.

Vague charges were also made that she had either received financial help from or given money to certain leftwing groups. Her lawyer denied these charges, simply pointing out that, as his client is penniless, she is clearly neither receiving money or in a position to dish it out. The judge eventually decided that the dossier was ‘incomplete’ and so Anooshe must go back to court at a later date for further questioning.

It is not clear when the next hearing will be. She will be summoned to give another interview at the prosecutor’s office and following this there will be another court appearance.

Anooshe is not the only student leader currently facing state oppression it is – another four or five students are facing similar legal procedures.

The dominant trend within the islamic regime is clearly using the tension generated by the sabre-rattling of imperialism to clamp down on internal dissent. The threats against Anooshe Azadbar comes at the same time as the sentencing of women’s rights activists of the One Million Signatures campaign to six-month prison terms and the ominous threats against the 2003 Nobel peace laureate, Shirin Ebadi, who has been dubbed an agent of Zionism.

It seems the regime will not tolerate even reformist attempts to moderate its repressive rule. The threat of war from Israel and the US-UK axis plays into their hands – that is why we stand against the warmongering by the US-UK imperialists and their junior partner, Israel.

Hopi demands that all charges against Anooshe Azadbar are immediately dropped. Our campaign will be organising press conferences and protests in solidarity with arrested students.